Will Sarkozy's Jewish roots impact France's policies?
By Raanan Eliaz




In an interview French President-elect Nicolas Sarkozy
gave in 2004, he expressed an extraordinary
understanding of the plight of the Jewish people for a
home: "Should I remind you the visceral attachment of
every Jew to Israel, as a second mother homeland?
There is nothing outrageous about it. Every Jew
carries within him a fear passed down through
generations, and he knows that if one day he will not
feel safe in his country, there will always be a place
that would welcome him. And this is Israel."

Sarkozy's sympathy and understanding is most probably
a product of his upbringing. It is well known that
Sarkozy's mother was born to the Mallah family, one of
the oldest Jewish families of Salonika, Greece. Yet it
remains to be seen whether his personal history will
affect his foreign policy and France's role in the
Middle East conflict.

In the 15th century, the Mallah family (Hebrew for
messenger or angel) escaped the Spanish Inquisition to
Provence, France, and moved about 100 years later to
Salonika. In Greece, several family members became
prominent Zionist leaders, active in the local and
national political, economic, social and cultural
life.

In 1917, a great fire destroyed parts of Salonika and
damaged the Mallah family estate. Many Jewish-owned
properties, including the Mallah's, were expropriated
by the Greek government. The Jewish population
emigrated from Greece and much of the Mallah family
left Salonika for France, America and Israel.

Sarkozy's grandfather, Aron Mallah, nicknamed Benkio,
immigrated to France, where he converted to
Catholicism and changed his name to Benedict in order
to marry a French Christian girl named Adele Bouvier.

Although Benedict integrated fully into French
society, he remained close to his Jewish family and
culture. Knowing he was still considered Jewish by
blood, he hid his family in the village of Marcillac
la Croisille in western France during World War II.

During the Holocaust, many of the Mallahs who stayed
in Salonika or moved to France were deported to
concentration and extermination camps. In total, 57
family members were murdered by the Nazis. Testimonies
reveal that several revolted against the Nazis.

In 1950, Benedict's daughter, Andree Mallah, married
Pal Nagy Bosca y Sarkozy, a descendant of an
aristocratic Hungarian family. The couple had three
sons, Guillaume, Nicolas and François. After the
couple divorced in 1960, Andrée Sarkozy raised her
three boys close to their grandfather, Benedict.
Nicolas was especially close to Benedict, who was like
a father to him.

Sarkozy says he admired his grandfather, and through
hours spent listening to his stories of the Nazi
occupation, the Maquis (French Resistance), De Gaulle
and D-Day, Benedict bequeathed to Nicolas his
political convictions.

Sarkozy's family lived in Paris until Benedict's death
in 1972, at which point they moved to
Neuilly-sur-Seine to be closer to the boys' father,
Pal (who changed his name to Paul) Sarkozy.

Various memoirs depict Paul Sarkozy as a father who
did not spend much time with his children or help the
family monetarily. Nicolas had to sell flowers and ice
cream in order to pay for his studies. However, his
fascination with politics led him to become the city's
youngest mayor and to rise to the top of French and
world politics. The rest is history.

It may be a far leap to consider that Sarkozy's Jewish
ancestry may have any bearing on his policies
vis-?-vis Israel. However, many expect Sarkozy's
presidency to bring a dramatic change not only in
France's domestic affairs but also in the country's
foreign policy in the Middle East.

Nevertheless, there are several reasons that any
expectations for a drastic change in the country's
Middle East policy, or foreign policy in general,
should be downplayed.
First, France's new president will spend the lion's
share of his time dealing with domestic issues, such
as the country's stagnating economy, its social
cohesiveness and the rising integration-related crime
rate.

When he finds time to deal with foreign affairs,
Sarkozy will have to devote most of his energy to
protecting France's standing in an ever-involved
European Union. In his dealings with the United
States, Sarkozy will most likely prefer to engage on
less-explosive agenda items than the Middle East.

Second, France's foreign policy stems from the
nation's interests rooted in reality and influenced by
a range of historic, political, strategic and economic
considerations. Since Sarkozy's landing at the Elysée
on May 16 will not change those, France's foreign
policy ship will not tilt so quickly under a new
captain.

Third, France's Foreign Affairs Ministry exerts
significant weight over the country's policies and
agenda. There, nonelected bureaucrats tend to retain
an image of Israel as a destabilizing element in the
Middle East, rather then the first line of defense of
democracy. Few civil servants would consider risking
France's interests or increasing chances for "a clash
of civilizations" in order to help troubled Israel or
Palestine reach peace.

It is fair to predict that France will stay consistent
with its support in establishing a viable Palestinian
state with East Jerusalem as its capital, existing
side by side with a peaceful Israel. How to get there,
if at all, will not be set by Sarkozy's flagship, but
rather he will follow the leadership of the United
States and the European Union.

Although Sarkozy's family roots will not bring France
closer to Israel, the president's personal Israeli
friends may. As interior minister, Sarkozy shared much
common policy ground with former Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The two started to develop a close friendship not long
ago, and it is easy to observe similarities not only
in their ideology and politics but also in their
public image. If Netanyahu returns to Israel's chief
position, it will be interesting to see whether their
personal dynamic will lead to a fresh start for Israel
and France and a more constructive European role in the region.

Article courtesy European Jewish Press in Brussels.

Raanan Eliaz is a former director at the Israeli
National Security Council and the Hudson Institute in
Washington, D.C. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate at
the Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium, and a
consultant on European-Israeli affairs.

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